The Republican Exception: Puerto Rico Delivers the Nation's Best Medicare Advantage Quality on the Nation's Worst Funding
Show notes
Imagine a city's entire grocery budget being set by the receipts of thirty people in one isolated neighborhood. That statistical absurdity is real — it's how a hidden federal formula sets Medicare Advantage funding for 676,000 American citizens in Puerto Rico. This episode follows the paper trail of how a technical grievance became a bipartisan fix — and how fourteen Republicans ended up leading the charge.
In this episode:
- The broken thermometer. Medicare Advantage covers roughly 96% of Puerto Rico's Medicare-eligible population (vs. about 50% on the mainland) — yet the benchmark formula prices the island off the tiny fee-for-service remnant that's left, primarily veterans and low utilizers.
- The missing safety nets. No Medicare Savings Program, no long-term services and supports, a capped Medicaid allotment with a lower federal match than territorial peers — and a Medicaid cliff arriving in 2027, while nearly half of the island's MA beneficiaries are dual-eligible, low-income seniors.
- The campaign. Twenty-six letters to HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and CMS Administrator Dr. Mehmet Oz; the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration aligned with the island's Healthcare Coalition; a deliberate strategy to frame an administrative fix — the 0.70 benchmark floor for 2028 — that bypasses legislative gridlock entirely.
- The Republican exception. The August 3, 2026 letter: 14 GOP House members formally requesting the benchmark floor, led by Rep. Gregory Murphy of North Carolina — a physician and co-chair of the House GOP Doctors Caucus — with pharmacist Rep. Buddy Carter validating the clinical reality. Not a favor to insurers: a doctor reading the math and concluding the system is being starved.
The closing question: what other outdated algorithms are quietly running in the background of government — dictating funding for education, infrastructure, healthcare — detached from the people they're supposed to serve? Who calibrated the machine, and what is it actually measuring?
The federal data behind this episode is browsable in the CMS Console.
Transcript
Full transcript
So imagine your entire city's grocery budget,
like the funding that dictates
whether the supermarkets stay open
or shut down entirely.
Imagine if that was decided by the receipts
of just 30 vegans living in one very specific
isolated neighborhood.
Well, I mean, that would be catastrophic.
The shelves would be empty
for everybody else within a week.
Right, you'd be looking at this tiny,
incredibly specific sample size
and using it to dictate how much a family
of five across town can spend on milk and eggs.
Yeah, it's a mathematical glitch
that just defies common sense.
Exactly.
But today, in this deep dive into the source material,
we are looking at how a statistical absurdity
exactly like that is currently threatening
the healthcare of about 676,000 American citizens
in Puerto Rico.
And it really all comes down to
a hidden automated formula running
deep inside the federal government.
A formula that essentially dictates life or death
for local hospitals, clinics, and pharmacies.
I wanna get straight into the mechanics of this
because when I was looking through our stack of material,
we have these official 26 letters
to the Department of Health and Human Services,
or HHS specifically,
to Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
and to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services,
CMS, run by administrator Dr. Mehmet Oz.
We've got internal strategy memos.
We've got a massive push from local industry.
And the core of the entire crisis,
it boils down to what is essentially a broken thermometer.
That is a perfect way to look at it
because to understand why the thermometer is broken,
we have to look at the patient it's trying to measure.
In Puerto Rico, Medicare Advantage
is not just a popular insurance option.
It is the absolute backbone
of the entire medical system there.
Yeah, the numbers here are just wild.
There are approximately 676,000 beneficiaries
enrolled in Medicare Advantage plans on the island.
Which is roughly 96%
of the entire Medicare eligible population there.
Just to contrast that with the mainland United States,
here, Medicare Advantage penetration
hovers around 50% give or take.
Okay, so it's a choice here.
Exactly.
You have a choice between traditional,
original Medicare or private Medicare Advantage plan.
But in Puerto Rico, virtually everyone is an advantage.
And a massive chunk of that population
is incredibly vulnerable, right?
Like over 305,000 of them are low income beneficiaries
who are duly eligible for both Medicare and Medicaid.
Yes, so you have this highly vulnerable,
aging low income population
relying on the single mechanism.
And this is where the federal math problem,
the broken thermometer comes into play.
Okay.
By law, the federal government has to figure out
how much money to give a Medicare Advantage plan
to take care of a patient in a specific county.
They call this a benchmark.
Okay, so like a base rate, how do they calculate it?
Well, they base it on the local costs
of traditional fee for service Medicare,
original Medicare.
The logic historically is pretty straightforward.
CMS looks at how much it costs to treat a patient
in the traditional government run system in a given area.
And they use that data to set the payment benchmark
for the private Medicare Advantage plans
in that same area.
Wait, hold on a second.
You just said 96% of the island uses Medicare Advantage.
I did.
So how can you base a benchmark
on traditional fee for service costs
when there is virtually nobody
using traditional fee for service?
You've hit the exact nerve of the crisis.
Really?
Yeah, because almost everyone is in Medicare Advantage.
There is hardly anyone left
in the traditional fee for service pool.
There are only about 29,000 beneficiaries remaining
in original Medicare Parts A and B in Puerto Rico.
That's the 30 vegans from my analogy.
Exactly.
You are legally basing a multi-billion dollar payout,
the survival of over 600,000 people
on the data of 29,000 people.
I mean, how is that even statistically sound?
It isn't.
Wouldn't an actuary look at that
and immediately flag it as an invalid sample size?
They absolutely would, especially because
it's not even a randomized representative sample.
Right.
Those remaining 29,000 people
in Puerto Rico's traditional Medicare pool
are fundamentally skewed.
Well, they are disproportionately individuals
who have alternative coverage arrangements.
For example, a large number of them are veterans
who primarily use the VA healthcare system
for their actual care.
Oh, I see.
But technically, they are still enrolled
in original Medicare.
So they aren't generating claims.
Exactly.
They aren't going to the local civilian hospital
and running up the kinds of bills
a typical eight-year-old with a heart condition would.
No, they aren't.
Or you have populations
that simply don't utilize care as frequently
or there are issues with incomplete claims capture.
Whatever the specific micro-reason, the macro-result...
Right, I see where this is going.
The federal algorithm looks at this tiny anomalous group
of 29,000 people,
sees that they aren't spending much money,
and the computer just spits out the conclusion
like, wow, healthcare in Puerto Rico must be dirt cheap.
Basically, yeah.
It says, let's set the Medicare Advantage benchmark
super low for the other 676,000 people.
Wow.
That is exactly what happens.
It's like reading the temperature of a freezer
and applying it to the entire house.
But the house isn't freezing.
I mean, the real costs of running a hospital,
paying for MRI machines, buying pharmaceuticals,
paying doctors, none of that is actually cheaper, right?
It's often more expensive
because it's an island economy
with massive supply chain and utility costs.
Yet, because of this flawed formula,
Puerto Rico operates at the lowest Medicare Advantage
benchmark levels in the entire nation.
How low?
It is approximately 41% below the national average.
41%.
I just want to pause on that
because it's hard to conceptualize a gap that massive.
You cannot mandate that a hospital operate on 60 cents
on the dollar for a decade and expect it to survive.
You just can't.
No, you can't.
And it gets even more baffling
when you look geographically next door.
Puerto Rico's benchmark is 20% below the benchmarks
in the U.S. Virgin Islands.
Wait, really?
But the Virgin Islands are right there.
They face the exact same island economy constraints,
shipping logistics, hurricane threats, power grid issues.
Why is their benchmark so much higher?
Well, that discrepancy is actually the core
of the political and administrative fight
happening right now.
It leads directly to the massive pushback
from the local government.
Specifically, the letter sent on February 25th, 2026
by Puerto Rico's governor, Jennifer Gonzalez-Colin.
This is the letter to HHS Secretary Kennedy
and CMS administrator, Dr. Oz.
I was reading through it
and she doesn't just lay out the grievance,
she demands a very specific fix.
Right, she points directly
to the agency's existing administrative power.
She requested the establishment
of a national Medicare Advantage benchmark floor
of no less than 0.70.
Meaning 70% of the national average.
Exactly.
She's arguing that no jurisdiction in the United States,
regardless of what the flawed fee for service
formula spits out,
should ever fall below 70% of the national average.
But why 0.70?
Is that just like a negotiation tactic?
Like I'll ask for 70% hoping they give me 60%.
It's not arbitrary at all.
0.70 is highly strategic
because it mirrors the current
Medicare Advantage payment levels
already utilized in the U.S. Virgin Islands.
Oh, so the federal precedent already exists.
Right, the federal government through CMS
has already acknowledged that the baseline cost of care
in the Caribbean territories
shouldn't dip below a certain threshold.
I get it.
The governor is essentially saying
to Dr. Oz and Secretary Kennedy,
just apply your own established logic to us.
And what's brilliant about that,
at least from a strategic standpoint,
is that she isn't asking Congress to pass a new law.
Anyone who follows Washington
knows that getting a massive multi-year
legislative overhaul through Congress
is nearly impossible right now.
Oh, it's a bureaucratic nightmare.
But an administrative rule change.
CMS could theoretically tweak the formula
in their next rulemaking cycle.
They can just say, you know,
the data is invalid, we are instituting a floor.
But they haven't.
And in the meantime,
the reality on the ground is getting grim.
If I'm a clinic administrator in San Juan
and my revenue is artificially depressed by 41%,
I'm purely in survival mode.
Yeah, you are deferring maintenance.
The sources highlight that providers
face chronic existential underpayment.
They cannot reliably invest in infrastructure.
You can't repair aging equipment.
You definitely struggle with workforce retention.
Well, for sure.
If you are a specialized nurse or a doctor
and the local hospital can only pay you a fraction
of what you'd make in Florida or Texas
because their federal reimbursements are slashed,
you leave.
So you get massive brain drain.
Massive brain drain.
And that ultimately hits the patient.
Beneficiaries face increasing pressure on benefits,
narrower networks, and longer wait times for care.
It's just snowballs.
Yeah, there was even a moment recently,
sort of a canary in the coal mine,
where one significant Medicare Advantage plan
pulled out of the Puerto Rico market entirely.
Which is terrifying when 96% of your seniors
rely on that specific market.
That's a vicious cycle.
But the governor wasn't fighting
this Washington math alone, right?
She needed the people actually delivering the care
to back her up.
Right.
I mean, a politician's letter is one thing,
but an entire industry unified
behind a specific technical fix is another.
This is where the health care coalition steps up.
And we should clarify, the health care coalition
is this massive shared commitment
among public and private stakeholders on the island.
Hospitals, doctors, pharmacies, you name it.
And on May 18th, 2026,
the health care coalition signed a formal memorandum
of understanding and MOU,
outlining their absolute top tier
federal health care policy priorities.
And right at the top of that,
MOU was official industry wide backing
for the 0.70 benchmark floor for the 2028 rate cycle.
The entire local health care sector
threw its weight behind the governor's proposal.
But the MOU goes further,
and this is where I actually got a little lost
in the weeds of the policy.
So I want you to walk me through this part.
They don't just talk about the Medicare Advantage benchmark.
They highlight a terrifying deadline,
September 30th, 2027, the Medicaid funding cliff.
How does Medicaid tie into the Medicare Advantage problem?
They are deeply intertwined
because you have over 305,000 people
who are duly eligible for both programs.
The health care coalition
isn't just looking at a broken benchmark,
they are looking at a perfect storm.
Puerto Rico's Medicaid system operates
under intense structural constraints
that mainland states simply do not face.
Okay, let's break that down.
How is a Medicaid program in a territory
different from a state like Ohio or Oregon?
Well, there are two massive differences.
First, Puerto Rico has a capped allotment.
Meaning a hard ceiling on the money.
Yes.
The federal government says
here is a specific block of money
for your Medicaid program for the year.
When it's gone, it's gone.
Wow.
In a state on the mainland,
Medicaid is an open-ended entitlement.
If a recession hits or a pandemic happens
and suddenly thousands more people qualify for Medicaid,
the federal funding scales up automatically
to match the need.
But in Puerto Rico,
if there's a hurricane and a massive spike in need,
the federal government just shrugs and points to the cap.
Exactly.
The local government has to somehow figure out
how to stretch that capped amount.
And the second major difference is the matching rate,
the federal medical assistance percentage, or FMAP.
The FMAP.
Basically, how much the federal government chips in
versus how much the local government has to pay?
Right. For Puerto Rico,
that match is restricted to 76%.
Meanwhile, all other U.S. territories,
Guam, American Samoa, the Virgin Islands,
they received a permanent FMAPIX at 83%
back in the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2023.
Wait, really?
Yeah.
So Puerto Rico is capped
and D, they are getting a lower federal match rate
than their territorial peers.
That feels incredibly punitive.
But even beyond the cap and the match rate,
the MOU from the Health Care Coalition explicitly points out
that Puerto Rico just outright lacks access
to certain safety nets.
They mentioned the Medicare Savings Program,
the MSP, and long-term services and supports, LTSS.
Which is staggering when you think about the demographics.
Almost half of the Medicare Advantage beneficiaries
on the island are these duly eligible,
incredibly low-income seniors.
On the mainland, the Medicare Savings Program
is what helps cover their premiums,
their deductibles, and their co-pays.
Right.
LTSS is what helps with nursing homes, assisted living,
and home-based care for the elderly and disabled.
And Puerto Rico doesn't have the funding for those.
They don't have the funding to operate them
at anything resembling the mainland standard
because of the capped allotment and the lower FMAP.
Well, no, I think this is the crucial context
that makes the Health Care Coalition's MOU so powerful.
They aren't asking for special treatment.
It's exactly.
When you really read what they're saying,
they aren't asking for a handout.
They are saying, we don't have the safety nets
everyone else has.
We don't have the MSP.
We don't have LTSS.
We have a capped Medicaid allotment
that falls off a cliff in 2027.
Yep.
You cannot simultaneously starve
our Medicare Advantage Program with a broken 3% formula.
It is the only thing keeping the roof from caving in.
That is the exact dynamic.
Because Medicaid is chronically underfunded and capped,
the Medicare Advantage Program is forced to compensate.
It has to carry the weight.
Right.
The private MA plans and the local providers
have to stretch their resources further
covering these dual eligible patients
without the traditional federal supports.
Right.
So when the MA benchmark itself is artificially
slashed by 41% due to an invalid fee for service
sample, I mean, the strain on the entire island's
health care infrastructure becomes existential.
OK, so the local government and the private sector
health care coalition are perfectly aligned.
They have the MAF.
They have the 0.70 solution borrowed from the Virgin Islands.
They have the terrifying context of the Medicaid cliff.
But having a flawless logical argument in San Juan
doesn't automatically change a federal algorithm in Washington,
DC.
Far from it.
An airtight argument is just a piece of paper
until it has political leverage.
Which brings us to the internal strategy memo detailing
the congressional campaign.
Yes.
And I love documents like this because it's
the peak behind the curtain.
We rarely get to see how a deeply technical, almost academic
critique of a statistical sampling method
gets transformed into actionable congressional pressure.
It requires a massive translation effort.
You have to take the complex data generated
by the health care coalition and mold it
into a politically viable request.
And the memo lays out a two pronged attack.
It starts on February 25, 2026.
This is when Democratic Representative Pablo Jose
Hernandez stepped up.
He managed to get 17 other Democrats
to sign on to a letter to CMS, urging them
to address these specific disparities in the CY 2027
advance notice.
It was a very strong opening salvo.
The letter laid out the exact arguments we just discussed,
the flawed 3% formula, the lack of safety net programs
like the MSP and LTSS, the impending Medicaid cliff.
Having 18 members of Congress tell a federal agency
that its math is fundamentally broken is significant.
But it's not enough.
No.
The memo makes it clear that the strategic brilliance
was recognizing that a purely partisan push wouldn't cut it.
Exactly.
They needed a Republican-led initiative
to pair with the Democratic effort
to show that this was a fundamental issue of fairness
and efficiency that appealed across the entire aisle.
And just to be clear, for everyone
listening to this deep dive, we are maintaining
strict neutrality here.
Absolutely.
We're just exploring the arguments presented
in these source documents from both Democrats
and Republicans.
We're not endorsing any political side.
Right, exactly.
We're looking at the strategy.
And orchestrating that kind of bipartisan maneuvering
requires institutional leadership.
You can't just have a bunch of hospital executives
cold-calling members of Congress.
Enter the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration.
Exactly.
This strategy memo gives immense credit
to the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration
for this phase of the campaign.
OK.
Specifically, two officials are highlighted
for giving the effort its institutional direction,
Gabriela Befeli, the executive director, and Natalia Gandia.
What exactly did they do?
I mean, I know what lobbyists do, but how does an administration
office turn this into a congressional reality?
They acted as the translators and the strategists.
You have the private sector hospitals, pharmacies,
and doctors in the Health Care Coalition
generating this highly technical actuarial data.
Right.
Befeli and Gandia took that raw data
and framed it in a way that Washington understands.
Makes sense.
The memo says, without the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs
Administration supplying that sustained institutional
leadership, this might have just
remained a credible private sector
recommendation circulating in the ether.
They gave it a governmental center of gravity.
Precisely.
And they made a very specific strategic choice
on how to frame the ask to these lawmakers,
particularly to the Republicans they were courting.
Right, because pitching a massive new funding
program to fiscal conservatives is usually a non-starter.
Exactly.
Think about how hard it is to get a member of Congress
to sign on to a letter asking for billions of dollars
in new appropriations or asking to create
a massive new federal entitlement program.
Yeah, they'd run for the hills.
Right.
Members are inherently wary of the budget impact.
But the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration
framed this not as a demand for new money,
but as formula modernization.
Like your algorithm is outdated, it's statistically invalid,
and it's producing a bad output.
Yes.
They pitched it as an administrative remedy.
They said to these lawmakers, we
are asking you to write a new check or pass a new tax.
We are asking you to tell the agency
to use its existing authority to fix
a mathematical error that relies on a tiny,
unrepresentative sample of 29,000 people.
That's smart.
Because it was an administrative ask,
Congress members could sign on safely.
It's a low risk vehicle for them,
but a potentially life-saving vehicle for Puerto Rico.
That is incredibly savvy.
So who did the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration
and the Health Care Coalition actually
get to lead this charge on the Republican side?
Let's look at the August 3, 2026 letter.
This is a critical turning point in the timeline.
14 GOP House members sent a formal letter
to HHS Secretary RFK Jr. explicitly
requesting the 0.70 benchmark floor for 2028.
And the lead signer on this letter is vital.
It's Representative Gregory F. Murphy,
a Republican from North Carolina.
Now, why him?
I mean, North Carolina isn't exactly
next door to Puerto Rico.
Because of his clinical and political profile,
Dr. Greg Murphy is a physician.
More importantly, he is the co-chair
of the House Republican Doctors Caucus.
And as the sources note, he's not just
some automatic rubber stamp for the insurance industry.
Far from it.
As a physician, he has actually supported
closer scrutiny of Medicare Advantage practices
that burden doctors or delay patient care,
like prior authorization issues.
OK, so he gets it.
He looks at things through the lens of a provider.
So when he steps up and says, we
need to increase MA funding in Puerto Rico,
it carries massive, undeniable credibility.
He's not doing it to pad insurance profits.
He's doing it because as a doctor,
he looks at the math and says, this health care system
is being starved.
And his connection to the island is actually very direct,
which I found fascinating in the internal memos.
Dr. Greg Murphy has been invited by the Chamber
of Commerce of Puerto Rico as a keynote speaker
on the health care forum and is close to some leader
in the health care coalition, including doctors, pharmacy
owners, and hospital executive, among other.
Yeah, that on the ground connection is invaluable.
It's one thing to read a briefing paper provided
by the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration.
It's another to have engaged directly
with the people running the hospitals and the pharmacies
on the island.
He understands that the logistical and economic
conditions in San Juan or Ponce differ fundamentally
from his district in North Carolina.
And he wasn't the only heavy hitter they brought in.
The coalition of 14 Republicans
was very carefully constructed.
You had representatives from other territories
like Amada Coleman-Raidwagon from American Samoa,
who understands all too well how federal formulas often
ignore the realities of island territories.
You also had a strong showing from the Florida delegation.
Carlos Jimenez, Maria Elvira Salazar, Mario Diaz-Balart.
They have deep constituency connections to Puerto Rico.
They know that when the island's health care system
falters, it directly impacts their districts in Miami
and beyond.
And then there's another crucial medical voice
on the letter.
Representative Buddy Carter from Georgia,
Buddy Carter is a pharmacist very close to Trump
and was recently in Puerto Rico.
Having a pharmacist on board, especially
one with strong political ties and recent firsthand experience
on the island, adds another vital layer
of clinical and political credibility.
Makes total sense.
He understands the supply chain.
He understands the cost of specialized drugs,
the logistics of getting them to an island,
and how chronic underpayment from Medicare Advantage
affects a local pharmacy's ability
to simply keep the lights on and stock
life-saving medications.
OK, I have to stop and play devil's advocate here.
Because we have laid out a scenario where the math is
objectively broken.
The thermometer is reading the wrong temperature.
We have the governor pleading for an administrative fix.
We have the local health care coalition
showing how this ties into a massive Medicaid cliff.
We have progressive Democrats writing letters.
We have conservative Republican doctors and pharmacists
writing letters marshaled by the Puerto Rico Federal
Affairs Administration.
It is a unified front.
Right.
So if this formula is so obviously mathematically broken
and you have bipartisan support spanning
the entire political spectrum, why
is it so hard for CMS or HHS to just flip a switch and fix it?
That is.
Why does it take this massive multi-year orchestration
just to change a decimal point in a formula to 0.70?
That is the multi-billion dollar question.
And the answer is the terrifying power
of bureaucratic inertia.
Bureaucratic inertia, like a body at rest, stays at rest,
especially if it's a federal agency.
Exactly.
Federal algorithms are deeply entrenched.
They aren't just lines of code.
They are codified in rule makings, federal registers,
and policy manuals that have been built up over decades.
Right.
To change the formula, you are asking a massive bureaucracy
to formally admit that its standard operating procedure,
the way it has done business for years,
is producing an invalid, harmful result
for a specific population.
Ouch.
Yeah.
That requires an agency head to take on institutional risk.
But they have the legal power to do it, right?
The letters from both the Democrats and the Republicans
are very specific about this.
They aren't asking for Congress to rewrite the law.
Yes.
And this is where the legal strategy pushed
by the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration
is so sharp.
The letters explicitly point to section 1876,
a four of the Social Security Act.
Section 1876, a four, what does that actually say?
Broadly, it gives the Secretary of HHS
the authority to adjust Medicare Advantage payments
if the raw data doesn't accurately reflect
the statutory intent of the program.
Oh, wow.
They are telling HHS and CMS, you already
have the statutory authority to fix this.
You have the legal right to look at that raw, flawed, fee
for service data of 29,000 people
and say, this is not statistically reliable.
Therefore, we are using our authority
to establish a national minimum floor of 0.70
to ensure equitable care.
So they don't need permission.
They just have to have the political and bureaucratic will
to actually execute the override.
Precisely.
And that's why this pressure campaign
had to be so meticulously built.
They are trying to generate enough
bipartisan, logical, math-based pressure
to overcome that innate bureaucratic inertia.
They have to make it more painful and publicly
embarrassing for the agency to ignore the problem
than it is to fix it.
Exactly.
Let's zoom out for a second.
Let's bring this back to the listener.
Because I can imagine someone listening to this deep dive
right now, in Ohio or Oregon or Nebraska, thinking,
well, this is fascinating policy drama.
The math is crazy.
But why should I care?
It's a Medicare formula for an island 1,000 miles away.
What does this have to do with the American taxpayer
on the mainland?
It has everything to do with the American taxpayer
on the mainland purely from an economic and systemic
standpoint.
Because of the medical migration.
The sources mention this explicitly,
and it's something I think most people completely overlook.
Yes.
The GOP letter led by Dr. Murphy
laid this out very clearly.
When Puerto Rican providers are chronically underpaid
by 41% below the national average,
the health care system strains to the breaking point.
Networks weaken, wait times explode,
provider shortages become acute because the doctors
move to Texas or Florida to make a normal living.
Naturally.
And what happens when an American citizen living
in Puerto Rico cannot get the specialty care they need,
say cancer treatment or complex cardiology?
Get on a plane.
Exactly.
They migrate to the US mainland.
Both the beneficiary seeking care and the doctors and nurses
seeking fair compensation leave the island.
And here is the kicker.
When a Medicare beneficiary moves from Puerto Rico
to Florida or New York or Ohio,
they are still in the Medicare system.
But now their care is being paid for at the mainland rates.
Exactly.
The federal government hasn't saved a single dime.
Wow.
In fact, the sources extrapolate on this point.
This migration actually increases
overall Medicare expenditures for American taxpayers.
Care on the mainland is generally
more expensive to begin with.
Right.
If the federal government had just adequately funded
the system in Puerto Rico with the 0.70 benchmark,
they could have treated that patient closer
to home in their own community for less money overall.
It's the ultimate lesson in like an ounce of prevention
is worth a pound of cure.
Underfunding Puerto Rico doesn't save the federal government
money, it just shifts a much higher cost
to the mainland health care system.
It is a massive false economy.
A false economy that simultaneously destabilizes
the territory of over 3 million American citizens.
A strong Puerto Rican health care system
is fundamentally a more cost-effective and resilient
system for the entire federal government.
So let's summarize where we are.
We started with 676,000 US citizens relying
on Medicare Advantage, effectively trapped
by an outdated federal math problem, a broken thermometer.
A formula that uses 3% of the population
to dictate the survival of the other 97%,
ignoring the fact that those 3% are primarily veterans
and low utilizers.
But we also saw a masterclass in how to fight back.
We saw the coordinated, relentless push
by the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration
aligning with the private sector realities of the Health Care
Coalition.
They took a deeply technical grievance,
paired it with the terrifying reality
of an impending Medicaid cliff, and translated it
into a viable, bipartisan, administrative fix,
the 0.70 benchmark floor.
They bypassed the legislative gridlock.
They brought in doctors like Rep Greg Murphy
and pharmacists like Rep Luddy Carter
to validate the clinical reality.
And they pointed the administration
directly to its own statutory authority
to fix a glaring anomaly.
It is a testament to what institutional coordination
can achieve when the math is undeniably on your side.
It really is.
And before we close out this deep dive,
I want to leave our listeners with something to mull over,
because this story, as complex as it is,
points to a much bigger, slightly unsettling reality
about how our world works today.
It does.
This entire crisis stems from a well-intentioned federal
formula that simply didn't account for the unique reality
on the ground, and a bureaucracy terrified
to manually override its own flawed code.
It makes you wonder, what other outdated algorithms
or statistical formulas are quietly
running in the background of our government,
dictating funding for education, infrastructure,
or agriculture, completely detached
from the reality of the people they're supposed to serve?
Right.
We assume the system is giving us
a precise measurement, a clear picture.
But sometimes you really have to stop and ask,
who calibrated the machine, and what
are they actually measuring?
Food for thought.